Dazzling Singapore’s Deep Contradictions
The clean veneer surrounding Singapore starts to show cracks.
- Singapore is not a real country. It is a family enterprise masquerading as a state.
- Singapore's residents are more like modern feudal subjects. They increasingly want to become citizens.
- For a long time there was little opposition to Lee Kuan Yew. The Singapore Workers’ Party is now a credible rival.
- Visitors to Singapore can't help being dazzled by Asia's global city. Marina Bay. Sentosa Island. Botanical Gardens.
- John West scratches below Singapore’s surface, and finds a system struggling for survival.
- On paper Singapore shines as if it were the jewel of Asia. In reality, it is still a diamond in the rough.
Visitors to Singapore can’t help being dazzled by Asia’s only global city. Marina Bay. Sentosa Island. Botanical Gardens. Temples. Museums. Casinos. Luxury hotels. Shopping on Orchard Road and lots more.
But scratching below the surface reveals a system struggling for survival.
Singapore was not born to authoritarian government led by Lee Kuan Yew, despite his now almost divine status. Some argue that the late 1950s and early 1960s was a golden era for Singaporean democracy.
The end of an era
This period came to an abrupt end in 1963 with “Operation Coldstore” by which Lee eliminated his political opposition. Over 100 members of Barisan Sosialis were arrested and detained on the false pretext that they were part of a communist conspiracy.
Singapore’s 1965 expulsion from a two-year union with Malaysia was an emotional shock for Lee Kuan Yew and his People’s Action Party (PAP). But once Lee got over that, he led the city state on a miraculous journey of authoritarian capitalism.
In the space of four decades, Singapore’s economy has risen to become one of the world’s most advanced, with virtually the highest GDP per capita in Asia, if not the world. However, despite its flashy hard infrastructure, soft infrastructure is a weak point. This shows up in poor creativity and innovation performance.
Several key ingredients makeup the Singapore policy cocktail.
Open trade and investment. Education and a strong work ethic. Migrants for both high skilled and low skilled jobs, interestingly, Singaporeans typically slot into the middle of the labor market in their home country. And a strong guiding hand of government. Singapore might practice the rule of law, but only one party determines the law.
Socially engineered Singapore
Despite its capitalist pretensions, Singapore is very much a “nanny-state.” Over 80% of the population lives in public housing. Social engineering is at the heart of Singapore’s social contract.
As in communist China, some arms of government are propaganda machines and actively engage in manufactured nationalism. The media is also officially controlled. Indeed, the whole public sphere is controlled by the state.
Restrictions on individual freedom, in the name of collective welfare, are widespread. Human rights abuses and harassment of political opponents to the ruling regime are too common.
For a long time after Operation Coldstore, there was little effective opposition to Lee Kuan Yew’s regime, which today is led by Lee Hsien Loong, one of Lee’s sons. Over recent times, though, wider and wider cracks have opened up in the Lee edifice.
Opposition on the rise
The Singapore Workers’ Party has progressively emerged as a coherent and credible rival to the PAP. Following the 2011 elections, this center-left party now holds 9 of the 99 seats in the national parliament. The PAP only won 60% of the vote in these elections, its lowest ever score.
In tandem with the rise of the Worker’s Party as an alternative political force, public opinion is becoming less compliant. Jobs, migration, housing and congested infrastructure top the list of popular concerns. Citizen activist groups are pushing to preserve urban heritage against the never-ending onslaught of new construction.
A 2013 White Paper on population made lots of waves. It proposed an increase in Singapore’s population from today’s 5.3 million to possibly 6.9 million in 2030.
With a fertility rate of 1.3 children per woman, even less than Japan, much of the increase would come from immigrants. They already account for almost 40% of the population. This provoked a strong negative public reaction. Thousands of protesters then assembled at Speakers’ Corner in Hong Lim Park to express their displeasure.
The sound of silence
There is also much “silent protest” in Singapore. Taxi drivers, tour guides and many others make jokes about the Lee Kuan Yew system, as well as about the man himself and his seeming immortality.
He is now 90 years old. When he finally departs the scene, the loss of moral authority and historical legitimacy will test his successors.
Despite the veneer of meritocracy, the Lee-system seems a fairly closed shop. In a recent book, Michael Barr has uncovered Singapore’s complex and covert networks of power.
He argues that they are a deliberate project initiated and managed by Lee Kuan Yew, designed to empower himself and his family. Barr identifies the crucial institutions of power, like the country’s sovereign wealth funds and the government-linked companies.
Qualitative indicators also suggest that something is wrong in Singapore’s society. According to one survey, more than half of Singaporeans would emigrate if they could. Already about 300,000 live overseas, usually the young and well-educated.
From serfs to citizens
The basic issue is that Singapore is not a real country. It is a family enterprise, a family empire, which is masquerading as a state.
Singapore’s residents are more like modern feudal subjects. They increasingly want to become citizens. Towards the end of my recent visit, I asked a professor of politics “What do these ungrateful Singaporeans really want?”
“A less mean version of Lee’s PAP,” he retorted. “Does the PAP have it in them? That is less sure.”
How all these contradictions play out over the coming years will be fascinating. The next elections are as soon as 2016.